In politics, all the knots often come to a head. In a situation in which everything is still unsolved, from Covid to the invasion of Ukraine, the Italian political system went to early elections, in a substantially unconscious way. Obviously there have been more or less relevant forms of unconsciousness. First of all the grillini. Then Salvini who took advantage of Berlusconi’s total acquiescence. We will never know if this operation was carried out by grillini, leaguers and by Berlusconi to give Putin a side or for a sum of petty electoral concerns. It is possible that there is a combination of both elements. However, the operation is profoundly destabilizing for Italy as such because Draghi was actually an umbrella towards Europe which could be used by all the forces in the field. Instead his government was worn out. Now as the icing on the cake we also read that the Brothers of Italy brings Giulio Tremonti back to Parliament, who has always been obsessed with a sort of total opposition to Draghi, which began when as Treasury Minister he threatened Berlusconi to resign if the premier met Draghi who he was then governor of the Bank of Italy: a sort of madness not even lucid. That said, however, to further complicate matters is the deadly overlap between a bad electoral system and the cut of parliamentarians.
From all this, however, emerges the enormous price paid by the Democratic Party to return to power with the Conte2 government, even believing that it has approved the 5-star movement and its leader Conte as a point of reference for the left. And therefore undergoing his positions on practically everything, on justice, on citizenship income, on the cut of parliamentarians without even an electoral reform. The consequences of this subordination were also seen in the face of the contradictory and disconnected reactions of the Democratic Party when Conte made the great betrayal of bringing down the Draghi government. But here we come to the decisive point: both the two main coalitions present contradictions such as to widely question their respective ability to govern. Enrico Letta had a good start: very clear in the opposition to Putin (as did Giorgia Meloni) and then in the breakup of the coalition with Conte. But then Letta got lost. Here, too, there was a lack of cultural and therefore political clarity in the analysis of the situation. Does the Democratic Party believe that with the leadership of Giorgia Meloni the center-right is leading Italy to fascism? Then the inevitable consequence would be that of the unity of all, without exception, from Conte to Fratoianni. Is it instead believed that with this center-right the problems are those constituted by the PNRR, the management of Covid, energy policies, fiscal policies, and immigration? So the answer is to aggregate a reformist pole with Calenda, Renzi, Bonino and from there to conduct a rigorous battle over the contents.
On the other hand, what sense did the opening to Fratoianni and Bonelli have, which was in contrast with a reformist position? But the basic political mistake committed by Enrico Letta was to believe that he could force Calenda to make an alliance with Fratoianni that would have marked the political suicide of Action. So Calenda did not make any betrayal but was forced to break with the Democratic Party to protect its political and electoral constituency. Consequently, the one who made a fundamental mistake was Enrico Letta, who did not keep the choice of the reformist pole and who now finds himself in bad company with maximalists and neutralists who promise to collect some seats in Parliament and then, after the elections, to resume total freedom of action, possibly aiming at the reconstitution of a sort of parody of the popular front with the M5S. Let it be said in the past, the Democratic Party cannot even think of resolving and overcoming the socialist question and the Craxi question itself organically connected to it with some candidacy not accompanied by an explicit and profound revision of the damnatio memoriae and the scientific destruction of Bettino Craxi and of the PSI made in 92-94.
Having said that, however, the center-right coalition in turn faces enormous problems, especially if it reaches the majority. The most trivial ones concern the figures. If you plan to stay in the opposition, you can very well talk about the flat tax at 15 percent, pensions at a thousand euros for everyone, the definitive dismantling of Fornero with a share of 41. If instead you go to the government, with these figures and also with others, you have to do the math. Let’s not talk about the revisitation of the PNRR: Paolo Gentiloni in Rimini, politely, explained how things stand. And they are far from simple. Let’s not talk about the password on naval blockades. And then in the face of Covid what will be the real policy of the government given that in the past Salvini and the Brothers of Italy have taken irresponsible positions, they have contested the masks, vaccines and the green pass. But then beyond all these programmatic themes, there is a fundamental problem concerning global politics (mind you, the theme goes beyond foreign policy), the global policy of the government and the possible Meloni presidency. We, unlike Repubblica, are not afraid that Giorgia Meloni’s unequivocal past could translate into a risk of fascism. Instead, since we prefer to examine the things concerning the present and the future, there is the knot concerning the whole axis of government policy. Not from today Giorgia Meloni has taken an unequivocal Atlantic-style position in support of Ukraine in breaking with Putin’s entire strategy. It is no coincidence that Pravda has addressed a nominative attack on Giorgia Meloni. Compared to that attack we have not seen any solidarity from the members of the Democratic Party, but not even from Salvini and the Lega. On the other hand, the President of Copasir Urso has highlighted that there is a permanent work through hackers and sites on the Russian and also Chinese side that affects many aspects of Italian life. Well, what would Salvini and Berlusconi do with respect to the permanent attack that the “Russian party” is developing by focusing its focus on Italy, believing that there are political forces and personalities, in fact, from Conte to Salvini to Berlusconi who for various reasons have relations with Putin significant. Basically with respect to all this what will be the real axis of the politics of a center-right government led by Giorgia Meloni but in which there are strong pro-Russian orientations within the coalition.