In the Democratic Party, on the eve (more or less month) of the congress, there is a squabble. On Massimo D’Alema.
It seems to be on the set of Back to the Future (or in a more home-made parody in the style of Franco Franchi and Ciccio Ingrassia, such as «The Exorcist»): backcombed hair, 1950s pastel dresses, a photo of Lenin’s body in the living room and D ‘Alema to pull the strings. But there is little to laugh about: yesterday poor Roberto Speranza, who leads the mournful procession of the former Dalemian-Bersani splinterers of Article 1, returning to the Democratic Party due to force majeure (otherwise no one would elect them), had to use all his own remarkable verve to ardently deny – and have Enrico Letta deny – that he has ever accepted the following request from the dem secretary: «Ok, we’ll give you a few safe places on the list and get you back with great fanfares and fat calves. But please don’t bring us that too.’ The bizarre press release requested by Article 1 and issued by the Nazarene reads: “Never between Enrico Letta and Roberto Speranza has reference been made to individual personalities and even less to Massimo D’Alema”. Never. Much less.
Also because D’Alema, as he himself recalls, has been “retired for at least 7 years”, therefore “I don’t participate in the political debate” (perhaps in Colombia yes, but certainly not in Italy). And in any case he has no intention of returning to the Democratic Party, with his faithful Pierluigi Bersani: one thing is to place a few unemployed disciples on his dem lists, in order to ensure him a decent salary. But immediately afterwards, in the plans of the two dioscuri of the split, the Democratic Party must be dissolved and brought together under the enlightened populist leadership of Giuseppe Conte.
Opposing this rather gruesome fate is the secretary candidate given as the favourite, Stefano Bonaccini. Who dismissed the claims of the former splitters rather curtly: «I don’t care that some former managers get back, I’m interested in the voters we lost: they were 12 million with Veltroni (and with Renzi in 2014, ed) and today they are only 5 million ». As for the 5S, Bonaccini claims that he did not want them as allies in Emilia Romagna. To stem the transformation of the Democratic Party into a satellite of pro-Russian populism, however, Bonaccini needs to win the primaries well (the latest polls put him in the lead by 20 points) but also not to end up hostage to local currents and satraps, like Emiliano or De Luca, with whom he also stipulated interested congress alliances. “We need a replacement, away from the old ruling class that has always lost,” he attacks. His main antagonist, Elly Schlein, uses very similar words: «There cannot be the same interpreters of the past». And the idea is gaining ground that the two rivals, in the end, are destined to collaborate: Schlein also wants to free himself from the cumbersome protection of the post-Pci nomenklatura that sponsors him, he has already rejected them on the change of the name of the Democratic Party (“Better change faces”) and on the anti-Ukraine “pacifist” line, and approached Bonaccini on various issues, such as labor policies. And so the idea of a post-primary tandem appears: if Schlein finishes second with a good result, Bonaccini could offer her a prominent position (vice, president, even group leader) and use her to cut out the old guard.